Le débat a l’intérieur du camp arabe : 1. Un État palestinien ? par Fuad Faris

2021-05-31T10:48:25+03:00June 30, 1975|Categories: Articles, Français, Khamsin, Khamsin 1|Tags: |

Appeler à la constitution d'une autorité nationale palestinienne signifie créer les conditions d'une confrontation maximale avec les forces de la contre-révolution. C'est une priorité tactique qui prend le pas sur les objectifs stratégiques, sans les contredire. Qu'un règlement intervienne ou que les hostilités reprennent, ce mot d'ordre prépare la voie de meilleures conditions pour la libération nationale de la grande majorité du peuple palestinien — ouvriers, paysans, réfugiés — qui mène actuellement la lutte selon sa propre voie.

Le débat a l’intérieur du camp Israélien — Dossier présenté et commenté par Eli Lobel et Mikhal Marouan

2019-11-27T10:18:49+02:00June 30, 1975|Categories: Articles, Français, Khamsin 1|Tags: , |

Si l'extrême-gauche anti-sioniste n'était pas déjà si divisée, le débat sur l'avenir palestinien aurait fourni l'occasion d'une scission de fond, étant donné la divergence des vues. Dépassant, tout en l'abordant, la question immédiate — pour ou contre l’État palestinien étriqué en Cisjordanie et à Gaza —, la discussion a porté sur les points qui concernent en premier lieu le mouvement révolutionnaire.

La stratégie des pays arabes producteurs de pétrole — par Leila Kadi et Sadik El Azem

2021-05-31T10:50:26+03:00June 30, 1975|Categories: Articles, Français, Khamsin 1|Tags: , |

La dernière guerre israélo-arabe a produit deux effets diamétralement opposés : 1) En démontrant désormais plus que jamais la dépendance d'Israël vis-à-vis des États-Unis et sa complète soumission à leur stratégie impérialiste au Proche-Orient. 2) Les régimes des pays pétroliers arabes les plus réactionnaires ont eu l'occasion de découvrir qu'ils disposaient désormais d'une assez large marge d'indépendance et de liberté d'action grâce aux récents développements de la structure du système économique impérialiste.

A Palestinian Strategy for Peaceful Coexistence ‒ by Said Hammami (the PLO’s Representative in London)

2019-03-12T10:07:57+02:00May 10, 1975|Categories: Articles, Documents|Tags: |

If a Palestinian state were established on a part of the Palestinian homeland and if the Palestinian leadership then decided to pursue an evolutionary strategy towards its ultimate goal of ‘a state in partnership’, we would aim to open and maintain a continuous and developing dialogue with any elements within Israel who were prepared to meet and talk with Palestinians regarding the form of a mutually acceptable co-existence which might in time be developed between the two peoples living in the country to which they both lay claim.

Comerade Jabra Nicola (1912-1974) – by Moshe Machover

2020-08-21T17:21:53+03:00April 10, 1975|Categories: Articles|Tags: , |

He had exactly what we lacked — a coherent conception of the Zionist colonization process, and in particular the way it affected the Arab society in Palestine. From him we got a much better and deeper understanding of Israel as an embodiment of Zionist colonization. Also, he had a conception of the Arab revolution as one and indivisible process. Matzpen’s positions on all these matters were adopted essentially under his influence.

Generations and Cultures in Israel – by Akiva Orr

2022-03-17T08:48:23+02:00January 1, 1973|Categories: Articles, ISRACA|Tags: |

The enormous apparatus of Israeli propaganda amongst Jews throughout the world now pushes the line that identification with the 'Jewish State' is the new meaning of 'Jewishness'. Since the emerging Israeli Identity has more in common with other settlers' states than with Jews, anyone who bases his identity on identification with Israel must uphold the principle of discrimination by nationality, and the placing of nationalistic morality above universal morality.

The Identity of an Oriental Jew – by Suzy Barry

2022-12-20T22:46:44+02:00January 1, 1973|Categories: Articles, ISRACA|Tags: |

I was given the opportunity to learn that the only desirable culture was a European one, I was even persuaded at times to feel a first-class citizen, by being sent to lecture to other second-class citizens on their great fortune in helping to entrench the position of the establishment, and in creating a third-class citizenry from among the Arabs living in the country.

Russian Jews, Black Jews and Non-Jewish Jews – by A. Hoder (Eli Lobel)

2022-06-14T10:03:09+03:00January 1, 1973|Categories: Articles, ISRACA|Tags: |

The whole immigration policy of Israel is discriminatory. Besides the fact that non-Jews (particularly Palestinians born in the country) have great difficulty in securing permanent residence in Israel and even more in becoming citizens, but ethnic discrimination is exercised against Jews too, according to their countries of origin.

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