In our great enthusiasm at the achievements of Israel's independence and sovereignty we sometimes forget Zionism's negative aspect – it's cruel world outlook. In our ardour for Zionism, we ignore the effect of Zionist practice and Zionist ideology on the life and position of Jews who do not want to be Zionists.
The conflict in the Middle-East is primarily a Palestinian conflict, rather than a Judeo-Arab or Middle-Eastern one. It is primarily the problem of the Palestinian Arab people who have been deprived of their national rights and who are engaged in the fight for the reaffirmation of these rights.
On Terrorism and on Hangings \ The Struggle of the Ashdod Port Workers \ Two Attacks against the Teachers’ Strikes \ The New Israeli Budget \ An Anthology from the Israeli Press \ A Jewish-Arab Demonstration against the Occupation \ German-Israeli Reactionary Alliance \ Maki as Informers for the Police \ An Israeli View of the Anti-Zionist Left \ Statement to the Swiss People by the P.F.L.P. \ The Palestine Committees
Terrorism – like any other not-so-selective use of violence – is of course immoral. But very often in history it has proved to be most useful.
In Haifa the port workers refused to unload ships diverted from Ashdod. The Ashdod workers realized the power of solidarity.
So far there are ten Israeli settlements in the Golan Heights, two in the Sinai and five in the West Bank. The Government of Israel has further expansion in view.
The murder in Rafah refutes the lie which is accepted by the majority of Israeli Jews about the occupation being liberal. There is no such thing as a liberal occupation.
Esther Vilenska, members of the Central Committee of Maki, instructed the party's members to move away from Matzpen's demonstrators so that the public and the US Embassy officials would not confuse their polite slogans with our impudent ones.
The debate taking place in Israel about the future of the Occupied Territories concerns inevitably the nature of Israel and the Zionist claim that the Jews have a “right” over the Palestinian territory. Thus the most fundamental principles of Zionism are back on the agenda.
The choice is between an Israeli and Middle Eastern State of Israel, aiming to integrate in its environment — and a Zionist state, a foreign body in this region, a state that is subordinated to the Jewish communities around the world and to the global “power centers” where most Jews are located.
Hebrew nationalism is indeed opposed to Zionism; but it is incapable of confronting Zionism thoroughly and repudiating it radically, root and branch. For the Hebrew nation has come into being as a result of the Zionist colonization of Palestine, and therefore the nationalist outlook, for which this nation is an absolute and supreme value, cannot radically repudiate Zionism, its progenitor. Hebrew nationalism can only claim that Zionism is outdated, no longer suited to present conditions, and Hebrew nationalism ought to be embraced in its place.
A political solution must sooner or later be found, that is both realistic and just. The alternative is ‒ eventually ‒ war, which will at best only defer, not solve, the political problems.
Recognising the right to self-determination of the Kurdish people and establishing an independent Kurdish state would not in any way be detrimental to the Arab liberation movement; on the contrary, an independent Kurdish state in Iraqi Kurdistan could become a centre and lever for the entire Kurdish national movement in Iran and Turkey.