This article aims to show how the objective and subjective henchmen of Zionism in the West, in their attempt to fluster the critics of Zionism, present ‘leftist’-tinged arguments in support of the Israeli state, but especially directed against its Jewish opponents of the anti-Zionist socialist movement inside Israel.
Text criticising Samir Amin's view on the formation of Arab nations, analysing from a Marxist perspective the construction of Arab nationalism, Islam and the need for working class internationalism in the Middle-East.
A powerful and confident Israel is an essential linchpin in the new American hegemonic structure in the Middle East. American policy must therefore heed the very deep-seated zionist rejection of the idea of creating even a small Palestinian state between Israel and Jordan.
The myth of the supposed liberation and equality of Israeli women, while perhaps gratifying a deep-seated need for feminists in search of identity, cajoles most Israeli women into a state of spirited resignation – content with a public image that bears little or no resemblance to their actual situation.
Yehoshua Porath of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem has written what will undoubtedly become the standard reference work of the history of the Palestinian national movement, and deservedly so: this despite the fact that at times he seems unable to free himself from his political prejudices, and abdicates his professed role of detached historian to don the mantle of the partisan adversary.
Salim Tamari responds to Mohammed Ja'far's article on the PLO and the Palestinian national liberation movement: Only in the occupied territories (and Israel) do Palestinians have a 'proper' (though dislocated) and differentiated class structure. But there all forms of class consciousness are being submerged by the realities of national oppression in the daily confrontation with the occupier.
Jews who lived in Egypt for 2,000 years, held important positions in the civil service, were rarely exposed to racial persecution and spoke the language of the people...Yet, in Egypt as elsewhere in the Mashreq, the Jewish population, with rare exceptions, has left the country. Why?
Who are the Oriental Jews, how do they perceive themselves, the Ashkenazi Jews, the Arabs and the Palestinians? There are no simple answers...
Within the limitations inherent in his ideological and theoretical approach, the author attempts to give a comprehensive picture of ethnic relations in Israel.
The failure of the Egyptian bourgeoisie, and the process of emancipation within the consciousness of the Egyptian proletariat - we try to throw light on the history and potentialities of these two phenomena.
The roots of the internal crisis which led to the replacement of the Labour government in May 1977, by the Likud/Religious Party Coalition led by Menachem Begin.
The peasants of Sheikh Brak, survivors of the Armenian genocide, suffer in Israel a similar fate to that of the Palestinian Arabs. (An English translation of a report that was published in Matzpen no. 84, April 1978).
We struggle both against Zionist racism, which discriminates against Palestinians as individual human beings, and against the Zionist oppression of the Palestinians as a people. Or, putting it in positive terms: we support both the human and the national rights of the Palestinians.
Nous présentons ici deux analyses de la guerre du Liban. Les points de départ de nos amis Lafif Lakhdar et Yasser Ali sont radicalement différents, pour ce qui est l’essentiel, à notre avis, à savoir : quelle devait être pendant la guerre, et doit être aujourd’hui, l’attitude à adopter par la gauche révolutionnaire.
La tâche d'une publication révolutionnaire est de dévoiler la nature réelle et les intentions secrètes des protagonistes de cette guerre, de dire aux ouvriers que cette guerre n'est pas la leur, que les directions palestino-progressistes n'ont rien de révolutionnaire, comme une propagande droitière où se mêlent la peur et la dramatisation veut le faire croire.
Reprenant sa démagogie nationaliste et son engagement traditionnel au Liban à rebrousse-poil, la Syrie intervenait pour sauver la droite chrétienne et la droite tout court — en réalité pour empêcher les Palestiniens et la gauche de gagner.
La vraie question est si ce développement est susceptible d'être — qualitativement et quantitativement — d'une ampleur telle qu'il transforme le monde arabe d'un domaine néocolonial étroitement subordonné au système capitaliste mondial et aux forces dominantes, en une puissance capitaliste autonome tout comme, disons, le Japon ou la France.