L’Etat d’Israël est structurellement raciste, c’est un Etat qui pratique l’Apartheid, selon la définition officielle de ce terme par les Nations Unies.
Israel’s racism is rooted in its nature as a settler state. Uprooting colonialist racism requires a change of regime, decolonisation – which in the case of Israel means de-Zionisation.
Accession of the Hebrew nation to a future socialist federation of the Arab East can only be voluntary. Moreover, it would be a grave error on the part of socialists to condone, let alone advocate, attempts at a forcible accession. But this means that Hebrew accession to the federation would occur by exercising self-determination.
Obituary: AKIVA “AKI” Orr was a revolutionary activist and writer, founding member of the Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen), an enchanting raconteur, and a unique, larger-than-life character
This article brings together my commitment to communism and my scientific work in the theory of social choice, particularly the measurement of voting power.
...socialists often forego an independent critical socialist viewpoint and are content to tail behind this or that brand of radical nationalism. Independent positions such as those advocated in the present article, which were formerly held and defended by significant sections of the revolutionary left, have been abandoned or simply forgotten. They need to be reaffirmed.
How should we think about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict? Please note: "how" comes before "what". Before coming to any substantive conclusions – certainly before taking sides – we must be clear as to how the issue ought to be approached.
The Middle East – Still at The Crossroads: A Socialist Position on the Palestinian Problem ‒ By Moshé Machover
The sense in which socialists ought to be “more radical” than liberation nationalists is not in vying with the latter’s nationalism, but in putting forward revolutionary social aims. Liberation nationalists do not propose to overthrow the existing social order; what they want is just to put an end to the oppression of their own nation. Socialists, on the contrary, must seek to promote in every national liberation struggle the aim of overthrowing the existing order of class exploitation.
This is a re-print of an article that was originally published in September 1969. "The formula that restricts the struggle to Palestine alone, despite its revolutionary appearance, derives from a reformist attitude which seeks partial solutions within the framework of conditions now existing in the region. In fact, partial solutions can only be implemented through a compromise with imperialism and Zionism".
This excellent book recounts and documents a significant piece of Middle Eastern history; and it does so in a humane way, full of empathy for the Iraqi Jews who, like Abbas Shiblak himself ‒ a Palestinian refugee from Haifa ‒ were victims of Zionism.
Whatever may be said about Hammami's political views on particular points, there is no denying the non-sectarianism of his attitude to the Israeli Jewish population: he recognizes that they constitute a nationality just as much as the Palestinian Arabs, and that they, too, are entitled to national right in Palestine. To hear a Palestinian spokesman say this was not necessarily congenial to fanatics on both sides.
The autonomy is in reality exactly what it looks like on paper — an alibi and cover not for the creation of a Palestinian state but for more or less rapid colonization and annexation to Israel of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
This article aims to show how the objective and subjective henchmen of Zionism in the West, in their attempt to fluster the critics of Zionism, present ‘leftist’-tinged arguments in support of the Israeli state, but especially directed against its Jewish opponents of the anti-Zionist socialist movement inside Israel.
A powerful and confident Israel is an essential linchpin in the new American hegemonic structure in the Middle East. American policy must therefore heed the very deep-seated zionist rejection of the idea of creating even a small Palestinian state between Israel and Jordan.
We struggle both against Zionist racism, which discriminates against Palestinians as individual human beings, and against the Zionist oppression of the Palestinians as a people. Or, putting it in positive terms: we support both the human and the national rights of the Palestinians.
La vraie question est si ce développement est susceptible d'être — qualitativement et quantitativement — d'une ampleur telle qu'il transforme le monde arabe d'un domaine néocolonial étroitement subordonné au système capitaliste mondial et aux forces dominantes, en une puissance capitaliste autonome tout comme, disons, le Japon ou la France.