The workers and peasants serving on both sides of the front have no interest in fighting each other. They have no interest in defending the "revolution" that brought their exploiters and oppressors to power.
Khamsin is bereaved. Eli Lobel, editor and founder of our journal, has died tragically on Thursday, October 4th 1979. The life-story of this outstanding revolutionary socialist and great internationalist is, in more than one way, the story of a whole generation, the tragedies and noble struggles of a whole epoch.
The three men who prepared the meeting that is considered the birth of the Lebanese communist party represented three important components in the formation of the party: Yusuf Yazbek, the romantic Lebanese liberal with a radical socialist streak; Fu'ad Shimali, the worker who had gathered his trade-union experience in Egypt, and Joseph Berger, the Palestinian Jewish communist of Polish origin who provided the relations with the Comintern.
An analysis ot the positions and activity of various Arab Communist Parties in relation to the partition of Palestine and the Palestinian resistance movements, focusing on the effect which subservience to the official line of the Soviet Union had on their efforts.
A critical review of studies published by Mario Offenberg, Jacob Hen-Yov, Suliman Bashear, Maher Al-Charif and Musa Budeiri.
The little-known uprising in the Gilan province of northern Iran, gave birth to an insurgent republic that was established in June 1920 and lasted for sixteen months, and its legacy is important for the workers' movement in both Iran itself and the wider Middle-East.
A bibliographic list selected and put together by the Khamsin collective on the history of the Communist Parties of the Arab East, with books amd articles in five different languages.
Text of a talk by Mohammed Ja'far [Kanan Makiya] on the development of the Arab ruling classes during the 1960s and 1970s, their integration into the world market and the effect this has on the possibility for revolutionary change in the Middle-East.
The position of women and the nature of the sexual division of labour which exists in Israel cannot be discussed in isolation from the zionist characteristics of the society. The colonialisation process, its requirements, its constraints, its internal contradictions and the political conflicts to which it gave birth are reflected in every aspect of life of Israeli society ‒ including the position of women.
Unlike the period prior to 1948, after the establishment of Israel the Palestinian society underwent a process of integration in the Israeli system. Thus the model of internal colonialism does apply as a valid description of the relationship between the Jewish and Arab sectors in Israel after 1948.
Discussion Forum: It is completely illusory to imagine that a viable advanced economic and social order can be established in Palestine, capable of increasing qualitatively the material, cultural and social welfare of the Palestinian masses, without the active participation of the Jewish proletariat.
Matzpen's editorial: Whereas the duty of socialists in the Arab East – as in Europe – is to march in the forefront of the trend for unification, and endeavour to crystallise a common programme for a socialist revolution, the Communist parties are at best dragged in the wake of the current, or worse: try to obstruct it.
The autonomy is in reality exactly what it looks like on paper — an alibi and cover not for the creation of a Palestinian state but for more or less rapid colonization and annexation to Israel of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
A powerful and confident Israel is an essential linchpin in the new American hegemonic structure in the Middle East. American policy must therefore heed the very deep-seated zionist rejection of the idea of creating even a small Palestinian state between Israel and Jordan.
Salim Tamari responds to Mohammed Ja'far's article on the PLO and the Palestinian national liberation movement: Only in the occupied territories (and Israel) do Palestinians have a 'proper' (though dislocated) and differentiated class structure. But there all forms of class consciousness are being submerged by the realities of national oppression in the daily confrontation with the occupier.
A Matzpen leaflet: There can be no peace without equality between the two peoples of this country – the Palestinian-Arab people and the Israeli-Jewish people. Peace without equality is not worthy of the name; it is, at best, a ‘settlement’ based on the present power relations in our region: Palestinian weakness, Israeli might and American hegemony.
Zionism is a false solution to the Jewish problem and is based on a capitulation to antisemitic arguments. It is a project for establishing, maintaining and expanding an exclusivist state in which racist laws, regulations and practices are enforced. It is a colonizing enterprise at the expense of the indigenous Palestinian people. And it is a staunch ally and instrument of imperialist domination in the Middle East.
The peasants of Sheikh Brak, survivors of the Armenian genocide, suffer in Israel a similar fate to that of the Palestinian Arabs. (An English translation of a report that was published in Matzpen no. 84, April 1978).
We struggle both against Zionist racism, which discriminates against Palestinians as individual human beings, and against the Zionist oppression of the Palestinians as a people. Or, putting it in positive terms: we support both the human and the national rights of the Palestinians.
a translation of the first part of a statement by the Socialist Organization in Israel (Matzpen), written in September 1977 following the May 1977 elections which caused for the first time in Israel a change of the ruling coalition: the zionist Labour led coalition was replaced by a zionist-right led coalition.