The Case for Hebrew Self-Determination
A Critique of Zionist Ideology: The Case for Hebrew Self-Determination. From "The Other Israel (1972): The Radical Case Against Zionism"
A Critique of Zionist Ideology: The Case for Hebrew Self-Determination. From "The Other Israel (1972): The Radical Case Against Zionism"
A Critique of Zionist Ideology: The Zionist Left and the Palestinian Resistance. From "The Other Israel (1972): The Radical Case Against Zionism"
Une société d'immigrants \ Une société de colons \ La diversité ethnique \ Une société privilégiée : l'afflux de capitaux \ La répartition des fonds étrangers \ L'Etat d'Israël et l'impérialisme \ Quelle est la classe dirigeante ? \ Les partis sionistes de droite \ Les dilemmes de la gauche sioniste \ La gauche non sioniste \
The democratic, populist and egalitarian aspects of the kibbutz pertain exclusively to the settlers, and the indigenous people are excluded as strictly slaves were excluded from Athenian democracy. An Arab cannot join a kibbutz, even if he is married to a kibbutz daughter. Kibbutzniks do not see any contradiction between the socialist principles they claim to uphold and their greed for land of Arab peasants.
Le sionisme s'est engagé dans la création de faits qui lui sont favorables afin d'atteindre ses buts. A chaque étape, il ne veut qu'une chose : que les Arabes se soumettent aux faits crées à leurs dépens. Donc la revendication sioniste est ‘paix’ et non ‘solution au problème’.
The zionist leftists have no right to call Matzpen members "warmongers". He who has partaken of a feast in which the dove of peace was served roasted must not be allowed to sport her white feathers!
L'Etat d'Israël n'est pas le seul pays à maintenir un régime d'oppression qui détruit les droits d'un peuple (ou d’une ‘race’) jugé ‘inférieur’. Il n'est pas non plus le seul pays, situé géographiquement dans le Tiers Monde, qui sert de partenaire et de contrefort aux puissances impérialistes mondiales. On pourrait citer d'autres cas, tel l'Afrique du Sud. Mais le régime d’apartheid n'espère point obtenir la sympathie du monde.
A Position Paper on the Palestinian Movement adopted by the ISO
Especially hysterical is the incitement and haranguing issued by those Israeli journalists who are in the habit of wrapping themselves in a cloak of “decency” and even “progressiveness”, and who like to pretend that they are not quite happy about the Israeli establishment: Uri Avnery, Amos Kenan and Boaz Evron.
La création de l'Union Socialiste des pays du Moyen-Orient, est le but final et la seule solution stable aux problèmes nationaux et sociaux de la région, y compris le conflit israélo-arabe.
Le problème des réfugiés arabes ; Comme la Rhodésie ? ; Manifestations de femmes dans les territoires occupés ; « On n'a pas seulement pendus des juifs en Irak » ; Il ne faut pas se retirer du Sinaï ; Démocratie en Israël ? ; Exécutions à Bagdad ; Quelques suggestions pour disperser les manifestations de femmes au gaz lacrymogène.
The historically complex conflict in the Middle East is not a clash between Jews and Arabs as such, as the nationalists claim, but a clash between Zionist colonization, which is, and always has been, an ally of imperialism, and the indigenous population of Palestine.
Suggestions for dispersing women's demonstrations with tear-gas; The problem of the Arab refugees; Like Rhodesia?; An interview with a leader of Al Fatah; Demonstrations by women in the occupied territories; Not only Jews were hung in Iraq; From Cuba to the editor of the Israel imperial News; Don't withdraw from Sinai; Democracy in Israel?
The conflict in the Middle-East is primarily a Palestinian conflict, rather than a Judeo-Arab or Middle-Eastern one. It is primarily the problem of the Palestinian Arab people who have been deprived of their national rights and who are engaged in the fight for the reaffirmation of these rights.
The debate taking place in Israel about the future of the Occupied Territories concerns inevitably the nature of Israel and the Zionist claim that the Jews have a “right” over the Palestinian territory. Thus the most fundamental principles of Zionism are back on the agenda.
Holding on to the occupied territories will turn us into a nation of murderers and murder victims. Let us get out of the occupied territories immediately
The choice is between an Israeli and Middle Eastern State of Israel, aiming to integrate in its environment — and a Zionist state, a foreign body in this region, a state that is subordinated to the Jewish communities around the world and to the global “power centers” where most Jews are located.
Hebrew nationalism is indeed opposed to Zionism; but it is incapable of confronting Zionism thoroughly and repudiating it radically, root and branch. For the Hebrew nation has come into being as a result of the Zionist colonization of Palestine, and therefore the nationalist outlook, for which this nation is an absolute and supreme value, cannot radically repudiate Zionism, its progenitor. Hebrew nationalism can only claim that Zionism is outdated, no longer suited to present conditions, and Hebrew nationalism ought to be embraced in its place.
A political solution must sooner or later be found, that is both realistic and just. The alternative is ‒ eventually ‒ war, which will at best only defer, not solve, the political problems.