We struggle both against Zionist racism, which discriminates against Palestinians as individual human beings, and against the Zionist oppression of the Palestinians as a people. Or, putting it in positive terms: we support both the human and the national rights of the Palestinians.
La vraie question est si ce développement est susceptible d'être — qualitativement et quantitativement — d'une ampleur telle qu'il transforme le monde arabe d'un domaine néocolonial étroitement subordonné au système capitaliste mondial et aux forces dominantes, en une puissance capitaliste autonome tout comme, disons, le Japon ou la France.
A necessary condition for the success of any struggle against Israel’s regime — including the struggle for democratic rights — is that it is a joint Jewish-Arab struggle.
Entretien entre Saïd Hammami, représentant de l'Organisation de la libération de la Palestine (O.L.P.) à Londres, et Moshé Machover, de l'Organisation socialiste israélienne (Matzpen).
Racist discrimination always pertains to individual rights. The rights denied are not the collective rights of an entire group, but the individual rights of every person belonging by origin to a given group. Zionist racism is principally a matter of practice, due to the fact that Zionist colonization could only be implemented at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs’ rights — both their national and individual rights. The Zionist project — past and present — is a project of colonization by Jews of territories inhabited by Arabs, turning an Arab country into a Jewish country. In order to implement such a project, it is necessary to discriminate in favor of Jews and against Arabs in matters of immigration, citizenship, land ownership, and so on — right down to discrimination regarding the rights of returning residents.
1) Liban, septembre 1975 : Fin de la « démocratie confessionnelle » . 2) Les violentes manifestations du prolétariat industriel en Égypte. 3) Sur le front du pétrole. 4) En Israël : Bataille navale dans la lutte des classes ; La réforme fiscale en Israël ; Élections à l'Université de Jérusalem.
Lettre d'un camarade de Matzpen (Moshé Machover) ; lettre d'Israël Shahak, Jérusalem ; et lettre de camarades de la Ligue communiste révolutionnaire (Matzpen marxiste), section de la IVe Internationale (Léa Tsemel et Michel Warschawski).
He had exactly what we lacked — a coherent conception of the Zionist colonization process, and in particular the way it affected the Arab society in Palestine. From him we got a much better and deeper understanding of Israel as an embodiment of Zionist colonization. Also, he had a conception of the Arab revolution as one and indivisible process. Matzpen’s positions on all these matters were adopted essentially under his influence.
Our general point of departure is the revolutionary Marxist position on the national question... our main interest is the impact of the national question on the revolutionary movement in the Mashreq (Arab East). Published in The International, Summer 1973.
Israel in a Historical Perspective: From Generation to Generation – The Origins of the 1967 War. From "The Other Israel (1972): The Radical Case Against Zionism"
Especially hysterical is the incitement and haranguing issued by those Israeli journalists who are in the habit of wrapping themselves in a cloak of “decency” and even “progressiveness”, and who like to pretend that they are not quite happy about the Israeli establishment: Uri Avnery, Amos Kenan and Boaz Evron.
The debate taking place in Israel about the future of the Occupied Territories concerns inevitably the nature of Israel and the Zionist claim that the Jews have a “right” over the Palestinian territory. Thus the most fundamental principles of Zionism are back on the agenda.
The choice is between an Israeli and Middle Eastern State of Israel, aiming to integrate in its environment — and a Zionist state, a foreign body in this region, a state that is subordinated to the Jewish communities around the world and to the global “power centers” where most Jews are located.
Hebrew nationalism is indeed opposed to Zionism; but it is incapable of confronting Zionism thoroughly and repudiating it radically, root and branch. For the Hebrew nation has come into being as a result of the Zionist colonization of Palestine, and therefore the nationalist outlook, for which this nation is an absolute and supreme value, cannot radically repudiate Zionism, its progenitor. Hebrew nationalism can only claim that Zionism is outdated, no longer suited to present conditions, and Hebrew nationalism ought to be embraced in its place.