The policies of the great majority of the Israeli-Jewish society are influenced neither by Palestinian restraint nor by lack of it, but by Palestinian force, by the Palestinians' effectiveness in causing harm to Israel ‒ be it military or financial, through other countries such as the USA.
The left and other secularists failed to mount a serious challenge to Islamization. The acceptance of Islam by the bulk of the population does not signify callous indifference to the slaughter of individual leftists; rather, it is an expression of despair. The population feels powerless.
"The Political Economy of the West Bank" not only develops and stimulates a number of important debates, it also constitutes a useful compilation of data, rendering it a valuable read for those concerned with the Palestine of today and the Palestine of tomorrow.
The political economy of the West Bank 1967-1987: from peripheralization to development – Adel Samara
The relation between the Israeli economy and the West Bank is a relation between two separate economies: between a developed capitalist mode of production dominant in one, and a controlled peripheral capitalist mode in the other. In this case, the relation is an external and settler-colonial one.
The Apartheid-like conditions under which the Palestinian migrant workers are employed in Israel, the obstacles that the Israeli occupation puts on their ability to organise and their attempts to overcome it. One of the obstacles is the zionist trade union federation, the Histadrut.
Investigation into the ways in which the law has been used by the Israeli state to ideologically legitimise land expropriations and the erosion of civil liberties for Palestinians.
How government and settler policies collude in the Old City of Jerusalem, as well as how they constrain each other.
Proposals of maverick zionists for solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict via forms of federalism, while themselves weighted heavily against the Palestinians, do signal the usefulness of federalism for socialists in proposing how Israelis and Palestinians can live together on equal terms.
The relationship between Israelis and Palestinians through looking at Zionist Hebrew literature, particularly the writings of left-Zionist writers such as Amos Oz, pointing out the deep roots of Zionist racism and neo-colonial attitudes towards Palestinians.
An overview on the position of women within Palestinian society since 1948, focusing on the experiences of Palestinian women in the resistance movements in the diaspora communities and refugee camps, and in the Occupied West Bank.
The involvement of Palestinian women in the national struggle has affected the position of women in the social strata and in the family. The process has been slow but that has made it stronger.
The Middle East – Still at The Crossroads: A Socialist Position on the Palestinian Problem ‒ By Moshé Machover
The sense in which socialists ought to be “more radical” than liberation nationalists is not in vying with the latter’s nationalism, but in putting forward revolutionary social aims. Liberation nationalists do not propose to overthrow the existing social order; what they want is just to put an end to the oppression of their own nation. Socialists, on the contrary, must seek to promote in every national liberation struggle the aim of overthrowing the existing order of class exploitation.
This is a re-print of an article that was originally published in September 1969. "The formula that restricts the struggle to Palestine alone, despite its revolutionary appearance, derives from a reformist attitude which seeks partial solutions within the framework of conditions now existing in the region. In fact, partial solutions can only be implemented through a compromise with imperialism and Zionism".
The Palestinian working class and its trade-union movement is bearing the brunt of many of the Israeli fascist measures. Eight out of the eleven members of the Executive Committee of the General Federation have been arrested, including the General Secretary, Mahmud Ziadah. More than 50 other members, including members of the Federation's Council, secretaries of branch unions, members of Administrative Committees and active unionists, have also been arrested.
This English-language appeal, dated 2 November 1988, was sent to Khamsin by the Women's Organization for Women Political Prisoners, a committee recently set up in Israel, devoted to defending the rights of women political prisoners, both Palestinian and Israeli.
The struggle for independence is foremost in the mind of the Polisario. The declared intention of the Polisario is the setting up of an independent, secular, republic, with a multi-party system, where religion is a private matter, and where the status of women will be equal to that of men.
A guide for the "offerings" of the different parties contending the Israeli elections for the Knesset, on 2nd November, 1988. This election has been billed as the "most important in Israel's history" by a whole number of pundits, arguing that the resulting government will be the one to face the new challenges, internal and external.
We, thousands of Palestinian detainees, have been thrown by the Israeli authorities into Ansar-3 Detention Centre, without regard to the most rudimentary judicial formalities, including our right to know the charges levelled against us. We are kept in difficult circumstances under the burning desert sun, where the temperature by day reaches 45°C and drops to below freezing at night; in an area teaming with reptiles, insects and rats. But the severity of nature is no match for the cruelty of the soldiers of the Detention Centre, with their arbitrariness and constant brutality and violence.