Eight young women had been arrested that night and deported to 'Amman the following morning. Eight women, representing eight families in a village of 60 families. A great suffering for the women, for their men and children and for many of their relatives.
Women Against Fundamentalism was launched on May 6th 1989, as a network to challenge the rise of fundamentalism in all religions. Women's groups involved in this campaign include Southall Black Sisters, Brent Asian Women's Refuge and the Iranian Women's Organization in Britain.
The policies of the great majority of the Israeli-Jewish society are influenced neither by Palestinian restraint nor by lack of it, but by Palestinian force, by the Palestinians' effectiveness in causing harm to Israel ‒ be it military or financial, through other countries such as the USA.
The left and other secularists failed to mount a serious challenge to Islamization. The acceptance of Islam by the bulk of the population does not signify callous indifference to the slaughter of individual leftists; rather, it is an expression of despair. The population feels powerless.
"The Political Economy of the West Bank" not only develops and stimulates a number of important debates, it also constitutes a useful compilation of data, rendering it a valuable read for those concerned with the Palestine of today and the Palestine of tomorrow.
The following letter was written by a Palestinian leftist activist in the West Bank. It was published (in Hebrew) in December 1988 in issue #1 of Meha'ah (Protest), organ of a coalition of some of the more radical Israeli anti-occupation protest groups. The letter is directed to the less radical – and wholly Zionist – 'peace camp', including the Peace Now movement
In this article, published in place of an editorial in the first issue of Meha'ah (see Introduction to the previous item), the writer, member of the radical and anti-Zionist Socialist Organization in Israel (Matzpen) polemicizes against an article by Ari Shavit in the left-Zionist journal Politika (Politics).
This article is based on an interview with Comrade Lafif Lakhdar as well as on articles in Le Monde Diplomatique (December 1982, October 1986 and November 1988) , Le Canard Enchainé (2.11.88) and a booklet 'Immigration and French Imperialism' by Combat Prolétarien (1980).
The following report was sent to us by Professor I Shahak, Chairman of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights. It was written by an Israeli who visited the Dahariyah prison compound; he managed to get in by mingling with the members of a Palestinian prisoner's family. Since this is against the rules, his name is withheld.
According to the Jerusalem Post of 7th May, very few books are allowed Into Qezi'ot. Among books that have been banned are not only tracts on Marxism and a biography of George Orwell, but also the Dialogues of Plato.
The Middle East – Still at The Crossroads: A Socialist Position on the Palestinian Problem ‒ By Moshé Machover
The sense in which socialists ought to be “more radical” than liberation nationalists is not in vying with the latter’s nationalism, but in putting forward revolutionary social aims. Liberation nationalists do not propose to overthrow the existing social order; what they want is just to put an end to the oppression of their own nation. Socialists, on the contrary, must seek to promote in every national liberation struggle the aim of overthrowing the existing order of class exploitation.
This is a re-print of an article that was originally published in September 1969. "The formula that restricts the struggle to Palestine alone, despite its revolutionary appearance, derives from a reformist attitude which seeks partial solutions within the framework of conditions now existing in the region. In fact, partial solutions can only be implemented through a compromise with imperialism and Zionism".